Bourbon Restoration in France

Summary

The Restoration, a chrononym that became common in the years 1814-1815, is the period of French history corresponding to the restoration of the monarchy as a political regime in France, or more precisely in what remained of the Napoleonic Empire. It is subdivided into :

In France, the Restoration took the form of the return to power of the House of Bourbon, power exercised this time within the framework of a constitutional monarchy set out in the Charter of 1814 to the French people.

This period was interrupted by the Hundred Days from March 20 to July 8, 1815 during which the deposed emperor Napoleon I regained power. This interlude makes it possible to distinguish this First Restoration from the Second Restoration. The latter was followed by the July Monarchy from 1830 to 1848, also limited by the new Charter of 1830, under the reign of Louis-Philippe I, who came from a younger branch of the House of Bourbon, the Orléans.

The restoration proved to be a time of experimentation of the possible balances between the political regimes of monarchy and parliamentarism, as well as between the royal supremacy and the separation of powers, main achievements of the French Revolution. It led to the advent of a constitutional monarchy, in an international context of peace that had just been restored.

The Industrial Revolution caused profound economic and social upheavals, but the economy showed signs of recovery. From the point of view of domestic politics, the return of the monarchy combined with a real parliamentary life, is marked by an oscillation between ultraroyalists and liberals, whose ministerial fluctuations are felt.

The laborious return of the Bourbons (1814-1815)

Since the retreat from Russia at the end of 1812, then the setbacks suffered by the Sixth Coalition during the German campaign, the Empire was fragile. The year 1814 saw a series of new defeats during the campaign in France, while the population grew tired of the war. Napoleon’s intransigence concerning the conditions of a peace led the allied powers to wage a relentless war against him, until his fall. The French people reacted differently to these invasions, some defending themselves fiercely, while others, especially the Parisian population, welcomed the invader as a liberator. The weariness of war and the desire to see an end to the levying of men and taxes united a large part of the population around the idea of a monarchic restoration that would bring them this guarantee.

The Allies were divided, however, on the identity of the person to be placed on the throne, the Bourbon branch having the support of the English, while being rejected in particular by Russia. Several other solutions were considered, before it was decided to act according to the evolution of events. Those make lean the things in favour of the count of Provence, future Louis XVIII. His entourage succeeded in arousing in several cities, notably Bordeaux, a strong infatuation for the Bourbons. At the same time, Napoleon withdrew to Fontainebleau, leaving Talleyrand in Paris to conduct negotiations with foreign powers. The latter succeeded in maneuvering the French Senate and the Legislative Body which declared on April 2 the forfeiture of the Emperor and offered the throne to the Count of Provence. Having convinced Russia of the validity of this solution, Talleyrand made adopt a constitution close to that of 1791, which arouses the reprobation of the most fervent partisans of the monarchy. The same day, Napoleon abdicated, and became sovereign of the principality of Elba, receiving an annuity for this title.

The count of Provence being delayed in England, it is first of all his brother, the count of Artois who makes his entry in France, and accepts without great conviction the idea of a constitution, without taking oath on the text. It is also decided to replace the tricolor flag by the white flag, to the great dismay of the military. The new sovereign arrived in France at the end of April, and met the senators on May 2. In his declaration of Saint-Ouen, the king questioned the sovereignty of the people and decided to revise the proposed constitution. He took the name of Louis XVIII, thus choosing to ensure the continuity of the reign since Louis XVI, taking into consideration the “reign” of Louis XVII. He also considered himself sovereign since the death of the latter, in 1795.

Despite these declarations, the government formed by the sovereign remained moderate, with the aim of reconciliation. On May 30, peace was concluded with the Allies, by the first treaty of Paris. France regained, with some additions, the borders it had in 1792, seeing itself deprived of part of its colonies, and of all the conquests made during the wars of the Revolution and the Empire. If the treaty, negotiated by Talleyrand, is globally profitable to France, these territorial losses at the very beginning of the new regime are thereafter part of the recurrent reproaches of a part of the opposition.

The return of a Bourbon to the throne marked the beginning of the First Restoration. The Allies wanted to ensure that the sovereign would provide the country with a constitution, as a guarantee of stability and peace. Talleyrand’s project being rejected, a new commission of heterogeneous composition meets. It quickly elaborates a text finally called Charter, to break with the revolutionary image of the concept of constitution by finding a vocabulary related to the monarchic heritage. This Charter is a compromise text, and recognizes the great principles acquired during the revolutionary period (religious freedom, equality before the tax, before justice…). In order to re-establish the cohesion of the country, a political amnesty was declared for all acts prior to 1814. On the other hand, the Charter reaffirmed the executive, legislative and judicial powers of the sovereign, as well as his capacity to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies and to appoint peers. The chambers, elected on the basis of censal suffrage, had more power than under the Empire, and the judicial system was mainly inherited from this period, notably the Civil Code. Drafted with a view to compromise, the Charter attracted the wrath of the most intransigent royalists, in particular the members of the Knights of the Faith. However, the text remained sufficiently vague for the various political families to hope for an application that would suit their expectations.

On May 12, Louis XVIII also issued an ordinance reorganizing the infantry corps of the French army in order to “determine the strength and organization of the French army’s infantry for the peace footing” and to abandon the tricolor flag in favor of the white flag of the French kingdom.

The government formed had no leader, all ministers reporting to the king, also under the supervision of Russian and British ambassadors. Being unfamiliar with a country he had left in 1791, Louis XVIII launched extensive statistical surveys to learn more about the population he governed. The freedom of the press also allowed him to know the criticisms made against the regime. The nobility was treated with great care in order to maintain their loyalty, while the Court began to lead a high lifestyle.

The presence of Talleyrand, Minister of Foreign Affairs, allowed France to participate in the Congress of Vienna and to maintain its position among the great powers. Inside the country, Baron Louis, Minister of Finance, pursued a budgetary policy aimed at restoring the state’s finances, notably by selling many hectares of forest (some of which had been confiscated from the Church), but also by maintaining, despite promises, indirect taxes, which particularly affected popular products. If this policy proved effective, it alienated some of the poor from the government.

The nobility, in particular the emigrants, did not appreciate, moreover, the attempt of amalgamation of the elites to which the sovereign gave himself up in his search for unity. The nobles, victims of the Revolution, hoped to receive compensation, which they did not obtain. Moreover, the period was marked by a return in force of the clergy, who imposed processions, expiatory ceremonies, and forbade Sunday celebrations, while obtaining certain privileges in the field of education. This did not fail to provoke criticism and, at times, outbreaks of anticlericalism. Finally, the reduction in the number of soldiers, and the difficulties encountered by the military, led to a feeling of injustice on their part, and to the rise of opposition to the regime among the soldiers who had already been scalded by the abandonment of the tricolor flag. While the Restoration had been born carried by the hope of peace, the lull that followed revived the divisions and disappointed hopes: the entourage of the Count of Artois militated for a more absolutist regime, and its excesses hindered the reconciliation of the sovereign. Little by little, the opposition wakes up.

These opponents, in particular the military, placed their hopes in Napoleon, symbol of their past victories. The latter, for his part, did not receive the pension that was to be paid to him by the State according to the conditions of his abdication, and decided to take advantage of the growing opposition to try to regain power. He disembarked at Golfe-Juan on March 1, 1815, with a thousand men. Faced with his progression, the government reacted by trying to oppose him with armed forces. Many of them joined the growing troops of the Emperor, and the defense of Paris was difficult. The most emblematic defection was that of Marshal Ney, who sided with Napoleon, against whom he seemed to be the last resort.

Faced with these setbacks, Louis XVIII chose to leave the country, which he did just before Napoleon entered the capital. On March 23, the king crossed the border and settled in Ghent. Attempts at a royalist uprising in the provinces ended in failure. Although a government in exile was formed, the king was well aware that the fate of his throne was linked to the action of foreign powers. These Hundred Days quickly came to an end, when Napoleon was defeated on June 18, 1815 at the battle of Waterloo.

Beginnings of the Second Restoration between unrest and liberal temptation (1815-1820)

Despite the fall of Napoleon, the situation of the Bourbons was hardly enviable. The rapidity with which the regime of Louis XVIII collapsed was not a convincing guarantee of stability in the eyes of the foreign powers, who seriously considered calling upon the house of Orleans. The only support, of prestige however, of the exiled sovereign was Wellington, winner of Waterloo. However, as during the First Restoration, the foreign powers chose to act according to the evolution of the internal situation. This one is hardly more favorable: the deputies remain hostile to the king.

The action of Fouché proves to be decisive. By manipulating the chambers, while eliminating all the potential pretenders, and by announcing the capitulation of France, he prepares the ground for a return of Louis XVIII which is still accelerated by the arrival of the Russians in Paris on July 6. Two days later, encouraged by Talleyrand, the king took the Allies by surprise by returning to the capital. This return is badly perceived by a part of the opinion for which the sovereign returns “in the vans of the foreigner”: for a long time, the reproach is made to him by the opponents to have returned on the throne thanks to a foreign invasion, more especially as the allied powers occupy this time the territory, in sometimes difficult conditions for the populations.

From the 9th, the king entrusted the government to Talleyrand. Fouché, who was in charge of the police, was in fact also the head of the government. They worked to ensure more power to the assemblies, as well as greater freedom for the press, while the administration underwent a purge in order to avoid a repeat of the episode of the Hundred Days.

In order to ensure cohesion within the kingdom again, Louis XVIII had to succeed in erasing the resentments caused by the Hundred Days, without shocking his ultra supporters. The king therefore promised to “forgive the misguided French”, but also declared that those who had allowed Napoleon’s return would be punished. Fouché took charge of preparing a list of people to be condemned which, from 300 people, was finally reduced to about sixty people, of whom only twenty were condemned. These measures were far from satisfying the ultra-absolutists, who indulged in acts of vengeance, particularly in the Midi. The credibility of the government was weakened, insofar as it did not manage to completely stop the White Terror. This credibility was doubly lost, since the sovereign’s condemnation of the events deprived him of the support of a part of the ultras.

On the other hand, in order to put a definitive end to the parenthesis of the Hundred Days, Louis XVIII dissolved the assemblies and had new legislative elections organized on August 14 and 22, 1815 (cf. Chamber of Deputies (Restoration)), by taking several measures (lowering the legal voting age, for example) supposed to hinder the election of both Jacobins and pure royalists. It is without counting on the climate which reigns in the country at the time of the election. The few troubled months of the return of the Emperor, as well as the exactions of the White Terror frightened a clear part of the electorate, which therefore voted for the ultras, supporters of a monarchy more absolutist than the king wishes. They won 350 seats out of 400, leading Louis XVIII to describe the chamber of elected representatives as an “untraceable chamber”.

To satisfy her, Talleyrand quickly dismisses Fouché from the government, this one was too marked by his past of regicide. Talleyrand knows that, for his part, his survival at the head of the government will depend on his management of the peace negotiations with the foreign powers. He therefore resigned as soon as the new treaty of Paris appeared, much harder than the old one (some territorial losses, foreign occupation during several years and strong indemnity to pay). Louis XVIII immediately replaced him by the Duke of Richelieu, a former emigrant whose presence at the head of the government reassured the Chamber.

In government, his influence was quickly shared with that of Decazes, Fouché’s replacement and favorite of the king. Drowned by the brotherhood of the Knights of the Faith, the Chamber took several strong measures against those who could harm the regime, facilitating the imprisonment of conspiracy suspects. The law of January 12, 1816, which proclaimed amnesty for supporters of Napoleon, except for his family and the regicides who had supported the death of Louis XVI in 1793, forced into exile a number of regicides who had sometimes participated in the Hundred Days, notably Fouché, but also Carnot and David. The government had to limit what became a “legal white terror” on several occasions. Indeed, if the results of these measures remain more limited than the legend of the untraceable Chamber would have it, their symbolism contributes to strongly polarize the opinion, and thus to harm the stability to which Louis XVIII aspires. The opposition between the Chamber on the one hand, and the government as well as the sovereign on the other hand, ends up reaching a too great extent. Decazes succeeded in rallying Richelieu and Louis XVIII to the idea of the necessity of a dissolution. This one occurs in September 1816. Presented as a measure to save the Charter of 1814, this measure was well perceived by the population.

During the legislative elections that followed the end of the “Chambre introuvable”, Decazes made sure that the candidacy of the moderate royalists was supported by the prefects. Official candidacies and the appointment by the king of the presidents of the electoral councils also ensured a defeat of the ultras, which occurred logically. Richelieu and Decazes (the former leaving the government in 1818) therefore embarked on a more liberal policy while reaffirming the power of the king. The years 1816 and 1817 were particularly troubled by a crisis of food shortages, and the food shortage led to a few revolts that required the intervention of the army. However, these troubles were not politically instrumentalized.

This period also saw the adoption of major liberal laws, in particular the Lainé law, which greatly modified electoral procedures in 1817. The aim of the maneuver was to continue to limit the influence of the ultras by targeting an older, bourgeois electorate, supposedly belonging to the government trend. However, this was a strategic error, since it was actually the pro-Orleans liberal left that benefited from these changes. With the Gouvion-Saint-Cyr law, promotion within the army was made more equitable, also satisfying the liberals. Finally, the laws of Serre strongly liberalize the press which had not been free since the Terror. This last law quickly proved to be dangerous for Decazes, as the ultra press jumped at the opportunity to publish criticisms, while the republicans could start to spread their ideas again. The liberal period of the Restoration also saw a certain economic prosperity, but above all the premature end of the foreign occupation, the last action of Richelieu as head of government.

This liberal period came to an abrupt end in 1820, at a time when tensions with the ultras were growing. As Louis XVIII had no descendants, the future of the dynasty was a matter of concern. His brother, the Count of Artois, had two sons who were already aging, the eldest not having any descendants. Hopes rested on the Duke of Berry, who had only one daughter for the moment; the future of the dynasty depended on his descendants. It is thus a shock when he is assassinated, on February 13, 1820. The assassination, perceived as a regicide and denounced as the result of a plot, was an opportunity for the ultras to bring down Decazes by making the liberal reforms responsible for the crime. Although the head of the government proposed exceptional measures in order to appease the ultras, he met with frank opposition, and the king’s entourage insisted on his resignation, which came soon after. Richelieu replaced him, after some hesitation, supported by the Count of Artois. A few months later, the birth of a posthumous son of the duke, Henri, nicknamed “the child of the miracle” by the supporters of the monarchy, adds to the symbolism of the event: despite the blows, the Bourbon dynasty is saved.

From the absolutist reaction to the fall (1820-1830)

The arrival of Richelieu at the head of the government did not radically change things at first: the ministers remained generally the same as under Decazes, and tried to conduct a center-right policy. The exceptional laws that Richelieu passed in order to calm the ultras had been prepared by his predecessor. These laws facilitated arrests and restricted the press, which greatly hindered the opposition. Moreover, the electoral law passed in 1820, which introduced the concept of the double vote, strongly favored the ultras, who won the elections that same year. From then on, Richelieu had to get closer to them and govern with several of them, in particular with Villèle. Soon, the head of the government had to face the opposition of the left, which criticized his policy, but also that of the ultras, who found that it did not go far enough. The moderate Louis XVIII, aging and weakened, was increasingly under the influence of the Count of Artois. Pressed from all sides, Richelieu finally gave way to Villèle, after having provoked an outcry on the left and on the right by wishing to extend the censorship of the press.

The Villèle ministry, which began at the end of 1821, was the longest of the Restoration, and saw the application of ultrasound ideas. The members of the ministry were chosen directly by the Count of Artois, who could thus guide their policies. The administration was purified, and Villèle made sure from 1822 that the civil servants encouraged the victory of the ultras. As Minister of Finance, Villèle led a major policy of reorganization, obtaining positive budgets with one exception, and of centralization of the tax administration. He also laid the foundations for lasting mechanisms, such as the control of state expenditure by the Cour des Comptes. Another strong action of the ministry was France’s commitment to the Holy Alliance to re-establish the absolute monarchy in Spain. If Villèle was initially opposed to it, the forces on his right pushed him strongly, and the country gained some international prestige. These victories also allowed Villèle to take advantage of a very favorable climate to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies, in 1824, and to elect a new one with an overwhelming ultra majority, destined to last seven years.

It was also under the ministry of Villèle that Louis XVIII died in September 1824. His brother succeeded him under the name of Charles X, thus gaining an even more comfortable position to pursue an “ultra” royalist policy. The period saw several laws in this sense, notably that of the “billion emigrants”, intended to offer compensation to the nobles whose property had been sold as national property. The legacy of the Revolution was also contested during important expiatory ceremonies in memory of Louis XVI, but also in the reinforcement of the “alliance of the throne and the altar” under pressure from the Knights of the Faith. Many bishops were appointed from among the nobility, and the influence of the Church on education was increased by the action of Bishop Frayssinous. Public opinion remained distant in the face of this return of the Church, especially when the law on sacrilege was passed, henceforth punishable by death.

Villèle finally attracted two forms of opposition; firstly from a new generation of liberals who were gradually gaining in importance, but also on his right from the ultras he had alienated, such as Montmorency and Chateaubriand. It is in this context, to which is added an economic crisis, that the ministry undergoes several setbacks in 1826, in particular the rejection of its bill on the right of birth, but also its law of “justice and love” which aims at reinforcing the censorship of the press. The protests were also directed against the sovereign, in particular when he carried out a review of the National Guard after it had consputed him. His dissolution by Villèle led to a flood of protests. Villèle then tried everything, appointing 76 peers on his side and declaring the Chamber dissolved. His hope of obtaining a new majority was in vain: the oppositions of the left and the right allied themselves and placed him in a minority. On January 5, 1828, Charles X formed a new government, this time without Villèle.

The fall of Villèle left a chamber that was difficult to govern, with no real majority. Charles X therefore initially tried to find a conciliatory solution by appointing a center-right ministry, while remaining in contact with Villèle and considering a return to more absolutism once the situation had calmed down. The ministry thus formed quickly found its leader in the person of the viscount of Martignac. He pursued a liberal policy by taking measures against the Church, in particular by limiting the influence of the Jesuits and religious congregations, and partly reversed the laws restricting the press. However, Martignac quickly attracted the hostility of the king and the Chambers, and suffered several setbacks in the Chamber of Deputies in early 1829. The king then waited for the end of the parliamentary session to separate from his minister.

He then called on the ultra Polignac, who gathered around him a government of pure royalists. As soon as he was appointed, he was criticized by the opposition press, but also by a part of his own camp. The government also took measures with a strong symbolic impact, in the wake of counter-revolutionary thinking: this was the case, for example, with the commemoration of the Quiberon landing. These initiatives provoked frank opposition from the liberals, who organized themselves and met in banquets where they expressed the importance of the Charter.

The government itself was unable to maintain its unity, while part of the opposition envisaged recourse to the House of Orleans. At the beginning of 1830, the government attracted the opposition of the Chamber. Royer-Collard launched a petition to the king, a real motion of no confidence in the government, which was signed by 221 out of 402 deputies. The king responded with firmness and dissolved the assembly, shocking the most moderate ministers, who left the government.

In order to improve the royal prestige in view of the July elections, Charles X launched the Algiers operation on May 25, with the aim of taking this territory because of the piracy that hindered the Mediterranean trade. This was the beginning of the French presence in Algeria. The capture of Algiers was not known until too late, however, and the opposition became the majority in the Chamber.

On July 25, Charles X suspended the freedom of the press, dissolved the Chamber and reduced the number of voters by the four ordinances of Saint-Cloud. New elections were set for September. For the public opinion, it was a real coup d’état. On July 26, journalists published in several newspapers an article of protest, written by Adolphe Thiers. The tense climate, stirred up by the Republicans and former carbonari who organized the Parisian crowd, triggered the “Three Glorious”. Barricades were erected in Paris on the evening of July 27. Liberal monarchist leaders, such as Guizot, Casimir Perier and La Fayette, tried to negotiate with Charles X, but then decided to take over the movement for fear of the advent of a Republic. As for the sovereign, if he withdrew the ordinances and formed a ministry which did not succeed, he did not manage to rectify the situation.

On July 30, the deputies made Louis-Philippe d’Orléans the lieutenant general of the kingdom, which he accepted the next day, while the municipal commission of Paris announced that Charles X had ceased to rule France. Two days later, on August 2, the king abdicated, and his son renounced his rights in favor of the Duke of Bordeaux. The latter being too young to govern, the regency was supposed to be assured by the Duke of Orleans while the deposed king left the country. However, it was already too late: the news of Louis-Philippe’s lieutenancy general and the adoption of the tricolor flag had already spread throughout the country, and no one paid any attention to the succession desired by the king.

On 3 August, the Duke of Orleans, in his capacity as Lieutenant General, called a meeting of the Chambers and formed a government to revise the Charter of 1814, which was accepted by a clear majority. On August 7, the revised Charter was adopted, and the duke of Orleans became king. He rejected the emblematic name of Philippe VII in favor of Louis-Philippe I, in order to better demonstrate the dynastic change. It is the end of the Restoration and the beginning of the July Monarchy.

Parliamentary oscillations

The Chamber of Deputies of this period oscillated between ultra and liberal phases, respectively recessionary and progressive.

Opponents of the monarchical regime are almost absent from the political scene, because of the repression of the White Terror. At the fall of the Empire, one can only be a monarchist politician. In this political world uniformly united behind its king, which must still be defended against the threat of populations and army corps sometimes nostalgic for the Empire, only currents of influence and different visions of what should be the French constitutional monarchy clash.

The alternations of policies of the Chamber are due to abuses of the majority tendency (then: dissolution and inversion of the majority) or to critical events (1820: assassination of the duke of Berry).

The ultras first took power in the Chamber. Having recently restored the monarchy, they were fierce defenders of it and wanted to increase royal power. The crisis of the Hundred Days and their return to the “untraceable Chamber” will lead them to a certain hysteria (legal terror) threatening the stability of the kingdom. Louis XVIII was obliged in 1816 to dissolve this excessive assembly, which demanded more and more power from him. He nevertheless kept his ministers. The liberals, more inclined to a compromise between modern liberty and Old Regime order, won the elections. They put an end to legal terror and established more liberal laws (Loi Lainé, Loi Gouvion Saint-Cyr, Lois de Serre), but the assassination of the Duc de Berry, nephew and eventual heir of Louis XVIII, was considered to have been the result of too much liberalism.

The Chamber then became more conservative and voted a series of anti-liberal laws (Law of suspension of individual liberties, Law on the press, Law of double vote). The Spanish expedition and its surprise but complete success, at the end of 1823, allowed a dissolution and the return of the ultras and new laws (Law of sacrilege, Law of the billion of the emigrants). But this Chamber, which was partly renewed every year, became progressively more liberal (rejection of the Law of Innocence, Law on the press, abolishing censorship).

The Chamber then entered into opposition with the ministries of Charles X from 1827. Parliamentarians became more and more critical of the king, who, despite a Chamber moving towards the liberals, insisted on keeping more ultrasound ministers. The Chamber increased its opposition. Exceeded by the pretensions and insolence of the latter, Charles X decided on a coup de force by imposing the Polignac ministry, a notorious “ultra” royalist. It is from this ministry, and from the agitation of the Parliament, that the July revolution will be born.

Foreign policy under the Restorations

The Restoration period proposed first a policy of influence, then of expeditions and brief exploits, within the strict framework of the Congress of Vienna (Expedition of Spain, Greece). These actions were driven more by the need to reassert itself in the face of Europe than by real national objectives, which it could not afford. Public opinion, whatever it may say, fortunately did not participate, and it seems obvious that France could not act freely in 1830.

And even if the year 1830, through the Algerian Campaign (Charles X) and the recognition of Belgian neutrality (Louis-Philippe) allows him the audacity to go respectively against the colonial United Kingdom, and against the Order of Vienna, this audacity is on the side of neutrality.

The year without summer

Following the eruption of the Indonesian volcano Tambora in April 1815, Europe (and the entire northern hemisphere) endured in 1816 what is known as the year without summer, which led to famines and riots everywhere, contributing to social instability.

Bibliography

: document used as a source for the writing of this article.

Sources

  1. Restauration (histoire de France)
  2. Bourbon Restoration in France
  3. ^ Furet 1995, p. 282 This included blocking the budget over plans to guarantee bonds on the sale of 400,000 hectares of forest previously owned by the church, reintroducing prohibition of divorce, demanding the death penalty for individuals found with the tricolore, and attempting to hand civil registers back to the church.[35]
  4. Voir sur parismuseescollections.paris.fr.
  5. Dominique Kalifa (dir.), Les Noms d’époque. De “Restauration” à “années de plomb”, Paris, Gallimard, coll. « Bibliothèque des histoires », 2020, 349 p. (ISBN 978-2-07-276383-0), p. 27-54.
  6. Grimberg, C.: Kansojen historia, osa 18, 1983, s. 31
  7. Grimberg, C.: Kansojen historia, osa 18, 1983, s. 168−178
  8. Grimberg, C.: Kansojen historia, osa 18, 1983, s. 180.
  9. a b c Grimberg, C.: Kansojen historia, osa 18, 1983, s. 180−181.
  10. Guillaume de Bertier de Sauvigny, 1966.
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